Tom Luxsox Coins

Russia Ussr

Neo-Imperial Policy of Russia and Central Asia

Today one of the most urgent problems of Central Asia is the sphere of efficient consumption of hydro resources. Russia, having its own geopolitical, economic and other interests, should delicately participate in all big hydro-energy projects grounding primarily on the interests of all water-consumers. It means, on the principle of consensus, agreed and cooperative decisions, mutual trust and respect of each others interests.

Chaotic, imbalanced approaches to these issues are not beneficial especially for Russia that is able to behave as a deliberate, predictable, “player” respecting its partners. However, unfortunately, current policy of the Kremlin doesn’t show the behavior deserving respect of partners.

On the contrary, rapid decisions, spontaneous foreign policy steps provoke Central Asian partners to suspect the country to lead an unfair geopolitical game. At first Russia expressed an interest to the project of Rogun HPP in Tajikistan, then in Uzbekistan Medvedev refused of bilateral approaches in the given sphere in favor of collegial approach. And right after Russia joined the construction of Kambaratin HPPs in Kirgizia without agreement with neighboring countries.

The idea of construction of the kind of objects on international rivers outflows, affecting vital interests of all peoples and states of the region is an extremely delicate issue. And naturally so acute changes of positions on these projects evoke anxiety.

So what is going on in the Kremlin? What is the reason for such moves?.. The answers lead to even graver conclusions not only in Russia and Central Asia, but also in many other countries cooperating with Moscow.

Panic and anxiety still present and deepen within different statements of Russian authorities and “experts” in foreign policy. Media and electronic resources of Ru.net receive huge amount of messages, specifying that hydro-energy disagreement between Central Asia states is so grave that they are not able to compromise that is why they need the “assistance” of the Third Party. Some political analysts claim that non-interference of Moscow into these processes “will inevitably lead to aggravation of contradictions up to interstate conflicts. But the reality is much simpler than this incorrect conclusion grounded on shallow approach to Central Asian problems. The case is that the states situating within the downstream of Syr Darya and Amu Darya have the same right to consume this water as the states of the upstream have the right to construct hydro-technical objects within their territory. Another thing is that these objects shouldn’t violate the rights of consumers of all countries of the region as here it’s not about internal rivers of Kirgizia and Tajikistan, but about international watercourses and all the state of the region possess the same rights on their exploitation. This is a standard of international law.

Discussions of some two confronting “blocks” (water-consuming and water-forming), of the necessity of the “third Party interference” and implementation of new “power of influence” as Collective Rapid Response Forces of CSTO to stabilize the region are the links of one chain. Neo-Imperial Russia intends to tie Central Asia with this chain. This engaged political line reveals those who organize information war, those who desire to play the role of ultimate arbitrator within the region and in the process of a self-made controllable conflict regulation.

However, there are forces that would like to observe Russia as a “political patron” of bordering countries, and they don’t realize that their intention is contra-productive and rather harms than favors the interests of Russian state. Provided they could assess the situation rationally, they would realize that within current reality such an intention contrasts with their possibilities and thus turns into phantom illusion.

Each year we witness new examples of the results of Neo-Imperial policy of Russia regarding near-abroad countries. It’s not a surprise that in Russia the more we are talking about “areas of influence” the fewer friends we have within our surrounding. Baltic States joined the European Union long ago and inevitably, and now the EU establishes its CIS-2 on the ruins of collapsing CIS. Recent Summit of 33 states in Prague for the first time brought together 27 countries with such CIS states as Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine to present European program “Eastern Partnership”. In Prague, Tbilisi, Kishinev, Yerevan, Baku, Kiev and even Minsk promised to have friendly relations with Brussels on special conditions within the framework of “Eastern Partnership”.

Considering the character of regimes in Tbilisi and Kiev one can understand why Georgia and Ukraine strive to join Europe so much. But why the rest of CIS countries want the same so much except for Central Asian Republics? As they are partners and allies of Russia not only within CIS, but also within EurAsEC and CSTO? The EU doesn’t grant them billion credits as Russia.  Brussels gave only 600 million Euro for “Eastern Partnership” accomplishment and only for four years, meanwhile Moscow credits Belarus with 2 billion of dollars, grants 7,5 billion to the EurAsEC anticrisis fund, and everything in the same year!

These are all of course rhetoric questions. As usually the answers lay on the surface.  It’s obvious that the behavior of Russia only intimidates and pushes away its neighbors, forcing to search for more balanced partners without imperial and militaristic manners. European program has an objective to enhance economic, but not military cooperation, its official objective is the modernization of Georgia, Azerbaijan, Moldova, Armenia, Ukraine and Belarus. “Eastern Partnership” let these CIS states feel to be equal with the EU, i.e. to feel themselves within a real commonwealth of independent, but not within a so-called area of “Commonwealth of Independent States”, that would underline the status of Russia a core of an unshaped system – prospective or former.

As a matter of fact, in comparison with some other states of “near abroad”, during the Summit in Prague Central Asian states didn’t sign the declaration to support “Nabucco” project, against which Russia leads its struggle with all acceptable means. But we shouldn’t delude, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan made this decision independently and not due to, but contrary to the current Kremlin policy, that demonstrated its irresponsible actions and snobbery towards its partners.

In reality, Central Asian countries strive to limit the influence of Russia on home and foreign policy and they don’t hide this fact. Astana, for example, attempts to enhance its cooperation with the USA and to establish in Kazakhstan International Bank of Nuclear Fuel, potential competitor of Russian strategic project on the Uranium Enrichment Center in Angarsk. In addition, Kazakhstan promotes its partnership with the Peoples Republic of China that is proved by the received credit of 10 billion dollars and the signing of respective agreement with Beijing. As for Turkmenistan, Moscow has pushed this country to intensify energy cooperation with West with its casual dialogue with Ashkhabad. Uzbekistan persistently extends the circle of its partner relations, also by developing of cooperation with Asian states which is proved by the visit of South Korea President to this Republic.

Tajikistan enhances military cooperation with the USA. On April the 27th 2009, Tajikistani Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Office of American Embassy in Dushanbe held maneuvers on terracts response with more than 300 representatives of law enforcement agencies, marines, security specialists.

All these facts demonstrate firmly that Russia gradually loses its influence in regional processes and this tendency will only promote by this kind of approach in future. To improve the situation Moscow should become not only a full-right partner of Central Asian states (but not a “big brother”, as it was in the USSR), but also an external force, undertaking real actions to assure stability and persistent development of the region. Otherwise, its policy will face another absurd failure – striving to fragment the region basing on the principle “divide et impera”, Russia can simply lose it once and for all.

More information

About the Author

USSR $18.94 Marx and Engels invented it; Lenin volunteered Russia for the honour of trying it; the Soviet people had to live with it.. This tongue-in-cheek travel guide is a cherishably witty insight into the chaotic, bewildering and sometimes scary society that resulted from this heroically doomed effort to "build Communism". It teaches you basic Soviet survival skills including how to queue for useless products, bribe your way into empty restaurants and contravene anti-alcohol measures. 'The authors' pen is driven not only by a blind hatred of socialism but also a genuine pathological medical condition.' Young Communists' Pravda (1986). 'In 1986 USSR was a prescient, hilarious and inspirational take on the evil empire. For Soviet totalitarianism ridicule was a deadly foe. To Polonsky and Taylor, the thanks of all those who were once captive and are now free.' Edward Lucas, International Editor, Economist

Russia and the USSR, 1905 1991 $20.62 This text covers the history of the USSR from the 1905 revolution to the end of the Khrushshev years and beyond to the present day.

USSR Border Posts Outside Sword and Shield, Moscow, Russia $24.99 Jonathan Smith USSR Border Posts Outside Sword and Shield, Moscow, Russia - Photographic Print

Across the Revolutionary Divide: Russia and the USSR, 1861-1945 $38.47 "Across the Revolutionary Divide: Russia and the USSR 1861-1945" offers a broad interpretive account of Russian history from the emancipation of the serfs to the end of World War II. Provides a coherent overview of Russia's development from 1861 through to 1945 Reflects the latest scholarship by taking a thematic approach to Russian history and bridging the 'revolutionary divide' of 1917 Covers political, economic, cultural, and everyday life issues during a period of major changes in Russian history Addresses throughout the diversity of national groups, cultures, and religions in the Russian Empire and USSR Shows how the radical policies adopted after 1917 both changed Russia and perpetuated an economic and political rigidity that continues to influence modern society

Back in the USSR $14.67 Though it has been nearly two decades since the fall of Communism in the former Soviet Union and the accompanying disintegration of the Soviet state, a strange aspect of the current cultural situation in Russia and in the other former republics of the USSR is that the people still identify themselves as post-Soviet. Yet, the difference between the Soviet past and a capitalist present is striking, which raises many questions: Why are the new elites referring to the old times to legitimize themselves? Why do commercial advertisements stress that the products they offer are exactly the same as they used to be in Soviet times? And, why, year after year, does the government in Moscow organize impressive celebrations for Victory Day, inevitably drawing parallels to the old Soviet ceremonies? Back in the USSR by Boris Kagarlitsky tackles these questions and more as it reflects on what happened in Russia after the collapse of the old regime and how this has affected social and cultural life, as well as the everyday lives of ordinary people. In this arresting work, Kagarlitsky also delves into what type of intelligentsia still exists in the former USSR and the cultural products that are being produced by these artists, including novels, films, and music.

USSR: The Story of Soviet Russia $23.34 Kessinger Publishing is the place to find hundreds of thousands of rare and hard-to-find books with something of interest for everyone

Russia and the USSR 1905-1941 $1 No Synopsis Available

Years of Russia and the USSR, 1851-1991 $52.65 No Synopsis Available

U.s.s.r.: The Story of Soviet Russia $28.71 No Synopsis Available

Russia and the USSR in the Twentieth Century (with InfoTrac®) $102.49 In this revision of their best-selling text, MacKenzie and Curran present a succinct, updated history from the later imperial tsarist regime to the current Russia. Acclaimed in the field for its clarity, comprehensiveness, and accuracy, the text balances social/cultural history with political history through the Putin presidency, and offers Russian as well as post-Soviet views of Russian history.

Russia and the USSR in the Twentieth Century: With Infotrac $10 No Synopsis Available

Russia and the USSR, 18551991: Autocracy and Dictatorship $28.23 No Synopsis Available

Russia and the USSR, 1855 1991: Autocracy and Dictatorship $31.97 From a renowned name in A-level history publishing, this is a Questions and Analysis title on a major period in Russian History. With all three exam boards offering modules on this popular subject at A-level, this book is an absolute must-have. Looking at the many different aspects of the period 1855-1991 that are covered in A-level history, Stephen J. Lee examines and compares: the ideologies of Tsarist autocracy and Soviet communism parties and opposition to these regimes the use of repression and terror agriculture industry the class structure the 1917 revolution the impact of the First and Second World Wars on Russia. Key elements of this book include: each topic/issue forms a well-structured chapter: background; analysis; sources with questions; worked answers a prominent historiography section - an important element of the new A2 history assessment an incorporated A2 synoptic approach that teaches students to draw together their entire range of knowledge and skills to study one topic guidance on how to answer the recently-introduced synoptic questions. Involving the importance of understanding the connections between the essential characteristics of historical study, this key title is the one-stop shop for all history teachers and students.

USA in the Making of the USSR $178 The author shows that, even though Russia was not invited to the Washington Conference of 1921-22, the 'Russian Question' was one of the major influences on the statesmen who did attend.

The Soviet Experiment: Russia, the USSR, and the Successor States $45.92 The West has always had difficulty understanding the Soviet Union. For decades, analyses of America's Cold War foe were clouded by ideological passions and a shear dearth of information. Then came the flood of dramatic revelations under glasnost, followed by the sudden, shocking collapse of the Communist empire. Today, with the stunning secrets of newly opened archives and the excitement of political revolution still fresh in our minds, and we can look back at this remarkable nation and see it whole, see Soviet history as a story with a beginning, a middle, and an end. In The Soviet Experiment, Ronald Grigor Suny does just that, in a landmark work that gives us the fullest account yet of the most remarkable story of our century. With a clear-eyed mastery of the historical issues and literature, Suny combines gripping detail with insightful analysis in a narrative that propels the reader from the last tsar of the Russian empire to the first president of the Russian republic. He focuses in particular on four revolutions, each identified with a single individual: the tumultuous year of 1917, when Vladimir Lenin led the Bolshevik takeover of the tsarist empire; the 1930s, when Joseph Stalin refashioned the economy, the society, and the state; Mikhail Gorbachev's ambitious, and catastrophic, attempt at sweeping reform and revitalization; and the breakup of the Soviet Union led by Boris Yeltsin. Never have we had a more complete, nuanced, and crystal-clear examination of the complex themes running through Soviet history. Suny confidently moves from party debates and personal rivalries, to centuries-old ethnic tensions, to vast economic and social developments. He unravels tangled issues with ease, explaining "deeply contradictory" policies toward the various Soviet nationalities; Moscow's ambivalence over its own New Economic Policy of the 1920s; and the attempts at reform that followed Stalin's death. Suny's treatment of the Soviet break-up warrants particular attention, as he details precisely how Gorbachev's program unleashed forces that had built up during the previous decades--particularly the nationalism that had been shaped, ironically, by the Soviet structure of ethnically defined republics. Along the way, he offers a fresh telling of familiar as well as little-known events--capturing, for example, the movement of the crowds on the streets of St. Petersburg in the February revolution; Stalin's collapse into a near-catatonic state after Hitler's much-predicted invasion; or Yeltsin's political maneuvering and public grandstanding as he pushed the disintegration of the Soviet Union, and then faced down his rivals. The Soviet Experiment provides a rich, multilayered, seamlessly woven account of one of the great forces of modern history. With dispassionate insight and human detail, Suny has constructed a masterful work.

The Shadow of War: Russia and the USSR, 1941 to the present $30.56 No Synopsis Available

Across the Revolutionary Divide : Russia and the USSR, 1861-1945 $38.95 No Synopsis Available

The Soviet Experiment; Russia, the USSR, and the Successor States $62.35 No Synopsis Available

The Soviet Experiment; Russia, The USSR, and the Successor States $12 No Synopsis Available

A History of Russia and the USSR (Non-InfoTrac Version) $216.77 No Synopsis Available

Years of Russia, the USSR and the Collapse of Soviet Communism $51.19 No Synopsis Available

BNDL: RUSSIA/USSR IN TWENTIETH CENTURY/INFO $116.35 No Synopsis Available

Vascular Plants of Russia and Adjacent States (the Former USSR) $102.38 No Synopsis Available

USSR Flag $10 USSR Flag